Self-Concept (Motivation)

For many years, the self-concept has been a subject of considerable inquiry amongst psychologists and pedagogues, largely impelled by efforts to elucidate human personality and its attendant functions. Albeit a widespread belief prevailed positing a positive correlation between self-concept and academic attainment, substantive theoretical and empirical substantiation for this assertion remained conspicuously absent.

This lacuna has been substantially addressed by a resurgence in both theoretical discourse and empirical investigation into the self-concept (Hattie, 1992). Educators are increasingly preoccupied with such issues as the relationship between self-concept and motivation in the pursuit of learning, the means by which self-concept may be enhanced, and the influence exerted upon self-concept by social and pedagogical determinants. The ensuing section shall furnish a conspectus of the constitution of the self-concept and its concomitant role in academic motivation and the processes of learning.

Self-concept, as a construct, doth allude to the collective self-perceptions of an individual, forged through the crucible of experience and the interpretations thereof, within the environment. Furthermore, it is profoundly influenced by the reinforcements and evaluations rendered by persons of import (Shavelson & Bolus, 1982). The self-concept is multifaceted, encompassing elements such as self-confidence, self-esteem, the stability of the self-concept, and its crystallisation (Pajares & Schunk, 2001, 2002; Rosenberg & Kaplan, 1982; Schunk & Pajares, 2009).

Self-esteem constitutes one's perceived sense of self-worth, denoting the acceptance and respect one harbours for oneself. It serves as the evaluative component within the broader framework of self-concept. Self-confidence, conversely, signifies the extent to which one maintains a belief in one's capacity to yield results, attain goals, or execute tasks competently, akin to the notion of self-efficacy. These two, self-esteem and self-confidence, are interrelated. The conviction of one's ability to perform a task may elevate self-esteem, whilst high self-esteem may embolden one to undertake arduous tasks, with subsequent success further bolstering self-confidence.

The stability of the self-concept pertains to the ease, or lack thereof, with which alterations may be effected upon it. This stability is contingent, in part, upon the degree of crystallisation or structuring inherent within one's beliefs. Beliefs, through development and recurrent analogous experiences, attain crystallisation. By adolescence, individuals possess comparatively well-structured perceptions of themselves across domains such as intelligence, sociability, and athletic prowess. Fleeting encounters that present evidence contradictory to established personal beliefs may exert minimal influence. Conversely, the self-concept is more susceptible to modification when individuals harbour ill-defined notions about themselves, typically owing to limited or non-existent experience.

The ontogeny of self-concept progresses from a tangible apprehension of oneself towards a more abstract comprehension (Montemayor & Eisen, 1977). Young children perceive themselves in concrete terms, defining themselves by their appearance, actions, appellation, possessions, et cetera. They do not differentiate between behaviours and underlying aptitudes or personal characteristics. Furthermore, they lack a sense of enduring personality, their self-concepts being diffuse and loosely organised. With development, and as a function of scholastic pursuits, they acquire a more abstract perspective. As they cultivate distinct conceptions of underlying traits and abilities, their self-concepts become more organised and complex.

Development engenders a differentiated self-concept. Although most investigators posit the existence of a general self-concept, evidence suggests that it is organised hierarchically (Marsh & Shavelson, 1985; Pajares & Schunk, 2001, 2002; Schunk & Pajares, 2005, 2009; Shavelson & Bolus, 1982). A general self-concept resides at the apex of this hierarchy, with specific subarea self-concepts situated below. Self-perceptions of specific behaviours influence these subarea self-concepts (e.g., mathematics, social studies), which, in turn, coalesce to form the academic self-concept. As an instance, Chapman and Tunmer (1995) ascertained that children's reading self-concept comprised perceived competence in reading, perceived difficulty with reading, and attitudes towards reading. The general self-concept encompasses self-perceptions within the academic, social, emotional, and physical domains. Vispoel (1995), in examining artistic domains, discovered evidence supporting the multifaceted nature of self-concept, albeit with less robust support for the hierarchical framework.

Experiences that contribute to the formation of self-concept emanate from personal actions and vicarious (modelled) experiences (Schunk & Pajares, 2005, 2009). The role of social comparison assumes importance, particularly within the educational milieu. This notion is encapsulated in the 'big-fish-little-pond' effect (Marsh & Hau, 2003): Students attending selective schools (where they are surrounded by intelligent peers) may exhibit lower self-concepts compared to those in less selective institutions. Marsh and Hau furnished evidence for this effect across students in 26 countries. Research further indicates that placement within a high-achieving group is associated with a diminished self-concept (Trautwein, Lüdtke, Marsh, & Nagy, 2009).

Evidence intimates that self-concept is not passively formed but rather constitutes a dynamic structure that mediates significant intrapersonal and interpersonal processes (Cantor & Kihlstrom, 1987). Markus and his colleagues (Markus & Nurius, 1986; Markus & Wurf, 1987) posited that the self-concept is comprised of self-schemas, or generalisations, forged through experience. These schemas process personal and social information in a manner analogous to how academic schemas process cognitive information. The multidimensional nature of self-concept is captured by the notion of 'working self-concept', or self-schemas that are mentally active at any given moment (presently accessible self-knowledge). Thus, a stable core (general) self-concept exists, encircled by domain-specific self-concepts capable of being altered.

The notion that self-concept doth stand in a positive relation to scholastic learning appeareth intuitively plausible. Students who possess confidence in their learning abilities and harbour a sense of self-worth evince a greater interest and motivation in their studies, which in turn doth enhance their academic achievement. Higher achievement, in its turn, doth validate self-confidence in matters of learning and doth maintain a high self-esteem.

Alas, these ideas have not been consistently supported by empirical research. Wylie (1979) did review a multitude of research studies. The general correlation 'twixt academic achievement measures (grade point averages) and measures of self-concept was found to be , which is a moderate and positive relation, suggesting a direct correspondence 'twixt the two. Correlation, however, doth not imply causality, and thus it cannot be definitively determined whether self-concept doth influence achievement, or achievement doth influence self-concept, or each doth influence the other, or indeed whether each is influenced by other variables (e.g., factors within the domestic sphere). Wylie did find somewhat higher correlations when standardised measures of self-concept were employed, and lower correlations with measures devised by the researchers themselves. The observation that higher correlations were obtained 'twixt achievement and academic self-concept than 'twixt achievement and overall self-concept doth lend support to the hierarchical organisation notion. The highest correlations with achievement have been found with domain-specific self-concepts (e.g., in areas such as English or mathematics; Schunk & Pajares, 2009).

It is reasonable to assume that self-concept and learning exert a mutual influence upon one another. Given the general nature of self-concept, brief interventions designed to alter it may not yield a substantial effect. Rather, interventions tailored to specific domains may alter domain-specific self-concepts, which, in turn, may extend up the hierarchy and influence self-concepts at higher levels.

The research literature doth support this proposition. The moderate relation 'twixt self-concept and achievement, as found in research studies, may stem from the employment of general self-concept measures. Conversely, when domain-specific self-concept measures are compared with achievement in that selfsame domain, the relation is strong and positive (Pajares & Schunk, 2001, 2002; Schunk & Pajares, 2005, 2009). As self-concept is defined with greater specificity, it doth increasingly resemble self-efficacy, and there exists much evidence demonstrating that self-efficacy doth predict achievement (Bandura, 1997; Pajares, 1996; Schunk, 1995; Schunk & Pajares, 2009).

Many of the suggestions put forth in this chapter hold relevance for influencing self-concept. In their review of research on self-concept interventions, O’Mara, Marsh, Craven, and Debus (2006) did find that domain-specific interventions exerted a stronger effect on self-concept than did interventions designed to elevate global self-concept. Teachers who demonstrate to students that they are capable of learning and have made academic progress in specific content areas, who provide positive feedback, who employ models effectively, and who minimise negative social comparisons, can assist in the development of students’ self-concepts (vide Chapter 4 for sundry ways to enhance self-efficacy).