Influences on Learning and Performance (Conceptual Framework for Learning)

Merely observing models doth not assure that learning shall transpire, nor that behaviours so acquired shall be enacted subsequently. Sundry factors exert influence upon vicarious learning and the execution of behaviours thus learned. The developmental status of the observer, the model's prestige and competence, and vicarious consequences shall be herein discussed; outcome expectations, the setting of goals, and self-efficacy shall be addressed in the sections which follow.

Learning doth hinge substantially upon developmental factors (Wigfield & Eccles, 2002), encompassing students' aptitudes in learning from exemplars (Bandura, 1986). Researches doth indicate that babes as young as six to twelve months can enact behaviours displayed by such exemplars (Nielsen, 2006); albeit, young children encounter difficulty in attending to exemplified events for protracted durations and in distinguishing pertinent from impertinent cues. Information processing functions, such as rehearsing, organising, and elaborating (Chapters 5 and 10), doth improve with development. Older children acquire a more extensive knowledge base, thereby assisting them in comprehending novel information, and they become more capable of employing mnemonic strategies. Young children may encode exemplified events in terms of physical attributes (e.g., a ball is round, it bounces, one throws it), whereas older children oft represent information visually or symbolically.

With regard to the production process, information acquired through observation cannot be enacted if children lack the requisite physical capabilities. Production necessitate also the transmutation into action of information stored within memory, the comparison of performance with memorial representation, and the rectification of performance as deemed necessary. The capacity to self-regulate one's actions for protracted durations doth increase with development. Motivational inducements for action also vary dependent upon development. Young children are motivated by the immediate consequences of their actions. As children mature, they are more prone to perform exemplified actions congruent with their aims and values (Bandura, 1986).

Modelled behaviours do vary in their utility. Behaviours that prove successful in dealing with the environment command greater attention than those that do so with less efficacy. Individuals attend to a model, in part, due to a belief that they might themselves face similar circumstances, thereby necessitating the acquisition of requisite actions for success. Students attend to an instructor not only because they are prompted to do so, but also because they anticipate having to demonstrate comparable skills and behaviours. Donnetta attends to her coach owing to the coach's expertise as a tennis player and Donnetta's acknowledged need for improvement in her own game. When models vie for attention, individuals are more inclined to attend to those models deemed competent.

Model competence is inferred from the outcomes of modelled actions (success, failure) and from symbolic representations of said competence. A salient attribute is prestige. Models that have attained distinction are more apt to command attention than those of lower prestige. Attendance is usually more robust at a discourse delivered by a personage of renown than by one who is less known. In most instances, models of high status have ascended to their positions by virtue of their competence and proficient performance. Their actions possess greater functional value for observers, who are apt to believe that rewards shall be forthcoming should they act accordingly.

Parents and teachers serve as high-status models for the majority of children. The scope of adult influence on children's modelling can generalise across numerous domains. Although teachers are important models in the development of children's intellect, their influence typically extends to areas such as social behaviours, educational attainments, dress, and mannerisms. The effects of model prestige often generalise to areas wherein models possess no particular competence, such as when adolescents adopt the dress and products touted by prominent entertainers in commercials (Schunk & Miller, 2002). Modelling becomes more prevalent with development, yet young children remain highly susceptible to adult influence.

Vicarious consequences accruing to models may exert an influence upon observers' acquisition of knowledge and execution of modelled actions. Observers beholding models recompensed for their actions are more disposed to attend to the models, and to rehearse and codify their actions for the purpose of retention. Vicarious rewards serve to motivate observers to enact the same actions themselves. Thus, vicarious consequences function both to inform and to motivate (Bandura, 1986).

Information

The consequences experienced by models furnish observers with intelligence pertaining to the types of actions most likely to prove efficacious. Observing competent models performing actions culminating in success conveys to observers knowledge concerning the sequence of actions one ought to employ in order to succeed. By observing modelled behaviours and their attendant consequences, individuals formulate beliefs respecting which behaviours shall be rewarded and which shall be penalised.

In a demonstration of classical import, Bandura, Ross, and Ross (1963) exposed children to live aggressive models, filmed aggression, or aggression delineated by cartoon characters. The models, who assaulted a Bobo doll by striking, throwing, kicking, and sitting upon it, were neither rewarded nor penalised, which in all likelihood conveyed to the observers that the modelled behaviours were acceptable. Children subsequently were permitted to engage in play with a Bobo doll. In comparison to youngsters not exposed to aggression, children who witnessed aggressive models exhibited significantly elevated levels of aggression. The type of aggressive model (live, filmed, cartoon) exerted no discernible influence upon children's level of aggression.

Similarity to models is of import (Schunk, 1987, 1995). The greater the resemblance between observers and models, the greater the probability that observers shall deem similar actions socially appropriate for them to perform. Model attributes frequently serve as predictors of the functional value of behaviours. Most social situations are structured such that behavioural appropriateness is contingent upon factors such as age, gender, or status. Similarity ought to be especially influential in instances where observers possess scant information concerning functional value. Thus, modelled tasks with which observers are unfamiliar, or those that are not immediately followed by consequences, may be profoundly influenced by model similarity (Akamatsu & Thelen, 1974).

Although certain research evinces that children are more disposed to attend to and learn from same-sex models (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974), other research suggests that model gender exerts a greater effect upon performance than upon learning (Bandura & Bussey, 2004; Perry & Bussey, 1979; Spence, 1984). Children acquire knowledge from models of both sexes and categorise behaviours as appropriate for both sexes, or as more appropriate for members of one sex. Children who perform behaviours appropriate for members of either sex, or for members of their own sex, may do so by virtue of their belief that such behaviours are more likely to be rewarded (Schunk, 1987). Model gender, therefore, appears salient as a conveyor of information concerning task appropriateness (Zimmerman & Koussa, 1975). When children labour under uncertainty respecting the gender appropriateness of a modelled behaviour, they may model same-sex peers on account of their greater likelihood of deeming those actions socially acceptable.

Model–observer similarity in age is of import when children perceive the actions of same-age peers to be more appropriate for themselves than the actions of younger or older models (Schunk, 1987). Brody and Stoneman (1985) ascertained that, in the absence of competence information, children were more disposed to model the actions of same-age peers. When children were furnished with competence information, modelling was enhanced by similar competence, irrespective of model age.

Researchers have unearthed no evidence that children consistently learn either better or worse from peers or adults (Schunk, 1987); however, children and adults employ disparate teaching strategies. Children frequently utilise nonverbal demonstrations and link instruction to specific items (e.g., how to do it); adults typically employ more verbal instruction, emphasising general principles and relating information to be learned to other material (Ellis & Rogoff, 1982). Peer instruction may prove quite beneficial with students beset by learning problems, and with those who do not process verbal material well.

The acme of model–observer similarity is attained when one is one’s own model. Self-modelling has been employed to cultivate social, vocational, motor, cognitive, and instructional skills (Bellini & Akullian, 2007; Dowrick, 1983, 1999; Hartley, Bray, & Kehle, 1998; Hitchcock, Dowrick, & Prater, 2003). In a typical procedure, one’s performance is recorded, and he or she subsequently views the recording. Observing a self-modelled performance constitutes a form of review, and is especially informative for skills that one cannot observe whilst performing (e.g., gymnastics).

Performances replete with errors are problematic (Hosford, 1981). Commentary from a knowledgeable individual whilst the performer is viewing the recording serves to forestall the performer from becoming disheartened; the expert may elucidate how to execute the skills in a superior fashion. Viewing a skilful performance conveys the notion that one is capable of learning, and may continue to make progress with further application, which enhances self-efficacy.

Schunk and Hanson (1989b) unearthed benefits accruing from self-modelling during the acquisition of arithmetic (fraction) skills. Children received instruction and problem-solving practice. Self-modelling students were videotaped whilst successfully solving problems, and were shown their tapes; others were videotaped but not shown their tapes until after the study was completed (in order to control for effects of taping); and students in a third condition were not taped (in order to control for effects of participation). Self-modelling children attained superior scores in self-efficacy for learning, motivation, and posttest self-efficacy and achievement. Researchers discerned no differences between mastery self-model students who viewed tapes of their successful problem-solving, and self-model children whose tapes portrayed their gradual improvement as they acquired skills, which lends support to the proposition that the perception of progress or mastery may cultivate efficacy (Schunk, 1995).

Motivation

Observers who witness models being rewarded become motivated to act in a corresponding manner. Perceived similarity enhances these motivational effects, which are contingent, in part, upon self-efficacy (Bandura, 1982b, 1997). Observing similar others succeeding elevates observers’ motivation and self-efficacy; they are apt to believe that, should others succeed, they are capable of doing likewise. Such motivational effects are commonplace in classrooms. Students who observe other students performing a task well may be motivated to exert their utmost effort.

Reinforcing models influences observers’ behaviours (Rosenthal & Zimmerman, 1978). Of particular educational significance is the observation of effort culminating in success (Schunk, 1995). Witnessing others succeed through diligence, and receiving praise from teachers, may motivate observing peers to labour more assiduously. Students may become more motivated by beholding similar others succeed than by those whom they believe to be superior in competence.

However, vicarious success shall not sustain behaviour over protracted periods. Actual performance successes eventually become requisite. Motivation is augmented when students observe teachers bestowing praise and elevated grades upon others for assiduous labour and commendable performances; motivation is sustained over time when students believe their own efforts are conducing to enhanced performances.